Edmund Randolph letter to George Washington, 6 April 1794

Philadelphia, 6 April, 1794.

Sir,

I conclude, from what you observed yesterday, that, in the nomination of an Envoy Extraordinary to London, you prefer some statement more special than is customary in nominations. I beg leave, therefore, to present to you a short review of the subject, that you may determine whether the occurrences in the Legislature are ripe for such a statement.

I believe that I was among the first, if not the first, who suggested this mission to your consideration, and I am still its advocate. I was induced to think favorably of the measure, — 1. Because the representations made by our Minister in Ordinary, seemed to rest on the British files among the business, which, if ever entered upon, would be entered upon at extreme leisure. 2. Because the recent accumulation of injuries called for pointed notice. 3. Because the merchants and insurers would suspect an inattention in Government, if their interests were left to the routine and delays of common affairs, and would, on the other hand, be highly gratified by the movement. 4. Because the British nation, without whose affections the British Minister can do nothing of importance in war, ought to be retained, by the strongest demonstrations, in the persuasion that we mean peaceable negotiation, rather than war. And 5. Because a distinguished character, sent fresh from the feelings of the United States, would with more confidence assert, and with more certainty impress.

I confess that two remarks, which came from yourself, had for some time employed my thoughts. These related to the sensations which might be excited in Mr. Pinckney, and to those which may be excited in the people of our country. To wound unnecessarily a valuable and meritorious officer, as Mr. Pinckney is, may be affirmed to be a public mischief But this will not be the case, I hope. He will admit, that on great occasions, such missions are often instituted; that they are never interpreted by the diplomatic world as a disparagement of the Minister Resident ; and that a step of so much eclat will rouse the British Court from their profound slumber over our various applications. He may, moreover, receive such declarations of continuing confidence, as to calm little possible inquietudes.

The same kind of considerations will satisfy the animadversions of our citizens. For if a man, the most conspicuous for talents and character, were now the stationary representative of the United States at London, the efficacy of a solemn and special mission may still, upon the foregoing principles, be easily conceived. And yet, the difference between one grade and another is not so powerful as of itself to secure a difference of reception to our demands. The Envoy will be impotent, if he is to carry with him only the language of rhetoric or of menaces, without the power of revenge. To fulfil the purpose of his creation, he must show that the United States can and will vindicate their rights. But measures of this kind depend on Congress alone, and from them we have the embargo alone. They are employed in discussions leading to these objects. To nominate an Envoy immediately, or until you see the nature and extent of the preparations, may perhaps be to nominate a useless officer; and if, by such a nomination, it is proposed to give a direction to the views and deliberations of Congress, may it not be better to send a message to them, urging them to adopt the preparatory steps, than to run the risk of appointing a gentleman, who, if our state of imbecility is to remain, cannot, except from personal qualities, have more influence than Mr. Pinckney? It would be unusual, too, to expect, by an act done to the Senate in its Executive capacity, that its influence should extend to the other House in its Legislative.

I believe, indeed, that to postpone the nomination, will be attended with two advantages. The one is, that after Congress shall have given nerve to our affairs, the propriety of the mission will no longer be questionable ; nor will it require those arguments, which, in the present state of things, will not be sufficiently apparent. The other is, that the person nominated will then be able to decide, whether he would choose to be the missionary, after certain acts of Congress. For example, it might accord with the opinions of some gentlemen to go, with an act of sequestration in their hands.

Notwithstanding the suspension of the nomination, you may perhaps approve of mentioning, in the mean time, your intention eventually to the person whom you contemplate. I must request your instruction, whether I am to prepare the message to the Senate immediately.

I have the honor, Sir, to he, &c.,

Edmund Randolph.